THE UPCOMING May 12 elections have cast a sharp light on an often-overlooked aspect of Philippine democracy — election security logistics. Iloilo Province’s shortfall of over 1,200 police personnel as reported by this paper yesterday shows a vulnerability in our current system, one that demands reflection and reform.
Traditionally, Iloilo relied on reinforcements from Negros Occidental to meet its election-day security needs. But with the latter now part of the newly created Negros Island Region (NIR), that source of support has been effectively severed. What was once a dependable inter-regional arrangement is no longer viable, and Iloilo is left scrambling — turning to the military and the coast guard to plug the gap.
This contingency response, while necessary, is less than ideal. Relying on the Armed Forces of the Philippines to provide ground-level support in elections should be a last resort, not a standard fallback. The presence of soldiers, rather than civilian police officers, at polling precincts — even in a non-combative role — risks blurring the lines between civil authority and military power, a sensitive issue in a democratic setting.
Moreover, the proposed deployment of only one officer per precinct, supported by mobile Quick Reaction Teams, further reveals the logistical strain and limitations of our security framework. While this may suffice in peaceful areas, it may prove woefully inadequate in election hotspots or geographically isolated barangays where threats of vote-buying, intimidation, or even violence remain real.
The current scenario in Iloilo is a wake-up call. Election security planning cannot be improvised every three years. The Commission on Elections (Comelec), the Department of Interior and Local Government (DILG), and the Philippine National Police (PNP) must develop a long-term, institutionalized framework that accounts for evolving political geography, regional resource imbalances, and contingency requirements.
Part of this should include prepositioned inter-agency protocols and clearly defined fallback arrangements not just for provinces affected by regional restructuring, but for all vulnerable localities. The creation of new regions such as NIR must be accompanied by transitional security plans that ensure election preparedness isn’t sacrificed in the process of administrative realignment.
The stakes are too high to leave election security to chance. Credible, peaceful, and orderly elections are the bedrock of our democracy. Iloilo’s current predicament is a warning that we must rethink how we safeguard that foundation. Not just for this election — but for all those to come.
